Topic History
The Kurdish People
The Kurds, with an estimated population of 30 million, are one of the indigenous peoples of the Middle East. The ethnic group is the fourth largest in the region, following the Arabs, Turks, and Persians, yet make up mere minorities within the states in which they reside: 18% of Turkey’s population, 17.5% of Iraq’s, 10% of Iran’s, and 9.7% of Syria’s. The Kurds share a common language, Kurdish—related to Farsi, though no standard dialect exists—, maintain a distinct culture, celebrate holidays according to the Persian calendar, and adhere mainly to Sunni Islam.
The Kurdish homeland, or “Kurdistan,” as it is referred to, is located in the Mesopotamian highlands, which extend into southeastern Turkey, northeastern Syria, northern Iraq, western Iran, and even a sliver of southwestern Armenia. The region itself covers about 190,000 square-kilometers and is one of the most mountainous in the world. There is an old, Kurdish adage that goes “Kurds have no friends but the mountains”—the saying revealing as much about the Kurdish landscape as it does about the persistent lack of international support for the Kurdish struggle for a nation-state of their own.
Borders and Identity
According to the Kurdistan Committee of Canada, the Kurds are descendent from the Medes, who established an empire in the seventh century, and enjoyed self-rule in Ottoman and Persian principalities up until the seventeenth century. Although Kurdish nationalism itself is historically based, it emerged as a compelling unifying political force in the aftermath of the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire and the subsequent subdivision of Kurdish lands among various sovereign states.
The Treaty of Sèvres of 1920, dealing specifically with the partition of the Ottoman Empire after its defeat in the First World War, made provisions for a plebiscite to determine the fate of the Kurdish homeland—though this “homeland” was a heavily truncated version of the territory proposed by the Kurdish delegation to the Paris Peace Conference limited to the what is now Turkish territory. Regardless, this represented a step in the direction towards establishing a nation-state of their own for the Kurds. Yet this treaty, signed by four Turkish representatives endorsed by Sultan Mehmed VI, was replaced by a treaty negotiated by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, representing the Turkish national movement, just three years later in 1923: the Treaty of Lausanne. The 1923 Treaty, which most notably defined the borders of the modern day Republic of Turkey, made no provisions for a Kurdish plebiscite, let alone an independent Kurdish state. The pact, together with the previously agreed upon Sykes-Picot Agreement which subdivided much of the Middle East into British and French spheres of influence, would further ensure that the Kurds and their land, were divided among different powers, falling under the jurisdiction of Turkey, Iran, British-controlled Mesopotamia, and French-controlled Syria.
The Kurds in Turkey
The Kurds in Turkey have, throughout modern history, received harsh treatment at the hands of state authorities. In response to ethnic Kurdish uprisings following the establishment of the modern Turkey, Turkish authorities adopted a policy of resettling Kurds from their native lands while simultaneously banning or restricting Kurdish names, costumes, language, and ethnic identity. At one point, the group was referred to as “Mountain Turks,” in an attempt to deny their existence. After years of hostility and tensions between ethnic Kurds and the Turkish state, the Kurdish Workers’ Party (PKK) was founded.
The PKK, the main political actor in the struggle for Kurdish autonomy in Turkey, was founded in 1978 by Abdullah Öcalan, with the goal of establishing a Marxist-Leninist, independent Kurdish state as part of the “worldwide communist revolution.” The group has been engaged in a conflict with the Turkish state since 1984 when it became a paramilitary group—the conflict has claimed the lives of an estimated 40,000, though, since the 1999 arrest of Öcalan, the group has supported the idea of “democratic confederalism" within the Turkey over hard independence. The PKK established training camps in Turkey, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, and France and targets Turkish governmental and military installations. The group has officially been recognized by various international actors, including the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), The European Union, and the United States, as a terrorist organization.
The Kurds in Syria
After the establishment of the French Mandate in Syria, the region became a viable refuge for Kurds escaping Turkish oppression. Though, with the withdrawal of French authority, the Kurds found themselves similarly oppressed—in attempts to “Arabize” Kurdish lands and diffuse any attempts to establish Kurdish autonomy within Syria, land was often confiscated and redistributed to ethnic Arabs. Since the 1960s, nearly 300,000 Kurds had been denied citizenship by the Syrian state.
The Kurds in Iran
The first major bid for Kurdish independence in Iran was the Ottoman-backed Simko Shikak revolt which followed World War I, though historians dispute whether or not the revolt was fueled by Kurdish nationalism in the region or an opportunistic chance for the Shekak tribe to gain influence and power in a time of opportunism. In response to this revolt, as well as others, the Iranian government confiscated tribal lands and deported or resettled Kurdish leaders—the harsh treatment would eventually lead to the development of ethnic Kurdish grievances against the Iranian government. During World War Two, when Soviet and British troops entered the country, Kurdish leaders attempted to establish independence again, though infighting and the regaining of control by the Iranian army quickly led to the demise of any such ideas.
Most recently, the Kurdistan Free Life Party (PJAK) was founded in 2004 as a military and political organization with the goal of establishing a free Kurdish state for Iranian Kurds. The military branch of the PJAK, the Eastern Kurdistan Defense Units (YRK), is considered a terrorist group by Iran, Turkey, and the United States, though not the EU, and has engaged in a military conflict with the Iranian State since 2004.
The Kurds in Iraq
Following World War I and the establishment of British control in the region, Sheikh Mahmud was appointed governor of Southern Kurdistan. Though the relationship between the governor and British authorities turned sour in 1919 and then from 1924 to 1932, Sheikh Mahmud led revolts against the British that concluded in his capture by British forces in 1932. Upon entering the League of Nations in 1932, Iraq made a series of declarations which included the protection of Kurdish rights in the state; these included the recognition of Kurdish as an official regional language and the representation of ethnic Kurds in local government. Though these promises were fulfilled, Kurdish regions tended to fare worse than majority Arabic ones in most metrics of wellbeing and development.
In 1946, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) was formed in Iraq for the purpose of supporting Kurdish autonomy within the country. Following the 1958 revolution and establishment of the Republic of Iraq, the Kurdish nationality was constitutionally recognized, though no autonomy was granted. Years of armed struggle followed between the KDP and Iraqi government, with the government engaging in forced relocation of ethnic Kurds.
Saddam Hussein, Iraqi president from 1979-2003, was particularly hostile towards Iraqi Kurds, engaging in a slew of hostilities in 1988 that included the poison-gas attack of Halabja. After the US-led invasion of Iraq and removal of Saddam Hussein from power, Kurdish political parties were able to participate in the national governments and a Kurdistan Regional Government with a degree of autonomy was established in 2005.
Current Situation
Overview of Kurdish Political Movements Across the Middle East
The current political parties and military groups representing Kurds and/or supporting some degree of autonomy or independence for the ethnic group include the Huda-Par (Free Cause Party), Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP), and PKK in Turkey, the Democratic Union Party (PYD) in Syria, the PJAK in Iran, and the KDP, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), and Gorran (Movement for Change) in Iraq. The Huda-Par is a Kurdish, Islamic party and enemy of the PKK, while the HDP is a leftist, Kurdish party which maintains no official affiliation with the PKK. The PYD, in Syria, is associated with the PKK in Turkey, aims to create an autonomous Kurdish region within Syria, and has not taken an official side in the Syrian Civil Conflict. The PUK, which splintered from the KDP, maintains control of the KRG together with the KDP. PJAK, in Iran, too is affiliated with the PKK in Turkey.
Kurds in the Fight Against ISIS
The Kurds have been instrumental in the fight against the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), in both Syria and Iraq, with the Iraqi Kurds receiving training from the United States and the Syrian Kurds receiving training and weapons from the PKK and air support from the United States. The Peshmerga, the Kurdish nationalist guerrilla organization in northern Iraq, has suffered more than one thousand casualties, with even more wounded, in the fight against ISIS.
Self-Government: Syria and Iraq
Though ISIS has increased its foothold in northern Iraq, which includes the capturing of the city of Mosul not far from the territory of the KRG, the peshmerga has effectively halted ISIS advances and the KRG has maintained control of its territory. On top of that, the KRG has expanded its control over long-claimed territories to the south no longer secured by the Iraqi forces. One of those territories, Kirkuk, is an oil-rich region which has provided the Regional Government with a significant increase in revenue, while sparking a conflict over revenue-sharing with the central government in Baghdad which was resolved in 2015. In addition to increasing the region's viability for self-sustainment and self-rule, the KRG has made visible political steps towards independence—the Kurdish parliament, in 2014, was tasked with planning a referendum on independence and the president of Kurdistan, Massoud Barzani, in 2016, called for a non-binding referendum on independence that would then allow KRG leaders to “execute the will of the people” when the time was right.
In Syria, the Syrian Civil War created an opportunity for local Kurdish parties to increase their influence in the three separate Kurdish enclaves that exist in northern Syria. In particular, the Democratic Unity Party (PYD) established itself as the dominant actor and, together with the smaller parties that made up the Kurdistan National Council (KNC), declared the establishment of an autonomous democratic government within Syria. The parties are in favor of political autonomy for Syrian Kurds within a federal framework—Salih Muslim, leader of the PYD, has made clear that any political settlement to the conflict in Syria must provide legal guarantees and recognition of Kurdish rights and autonomy sans independence.
Summary
→ The KRG and the Peshmerga have not only stopped ISIS in its tracks, but has also expanded its territory while developing the means for self-sustainment and ramping up talk of independence.
→ The Kurds in Syria have established various political bodies while maintaining autonomy in northern Syria and making legal claims on the Syrian government.
Questions to Consider
→ To what extent is the effective autonomy exhibited by the Kurds in both Syria and Iraq sufficient as a precursor for future independence or legal autonomy in the future?
→ In what ways does the autonomy exhibited by Kurds in Iraq different from the autonomy the Kurds exhibit in Syria? Is one or the other more viable for potential independence?
Resistance in Stable States: Turkey and Iran
In 2015, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, President of Turkey, said “There is no longer a Kurdish problem in Turkey, but our Kurdish brothers and sisters have problems,” a statement which only highlights the deep tension that persists between the Kurdish population of Turkey and the Turkish authorities. As the conflict continues, Turkey has heightened its offensive on the PKK in various dimensions—the Turkish government continues to conduct military operations against PKK fighters in the southeastern districts of the state, but has also taken to rooting out civil servants with purported ties to the group. In September 2016, for example, over 11,000 teachers were suspended for allegedly having links to the PKK.
SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH
For a broad overview of the Kurds and the issues pertaining the nation, the Council on Foreign Relations has a great multimedia information guide.
There has been a lot of recent news coverage of and scholarly work on the Kurds in Iraq, the Peshmerga, and the potential for Iraqi Kurdish independence as a result of the success the Iraqi Kurds have had with containing ISIS.
→ For a bullish perspective on Kurdish independence
→ For a critical view of Iraqi Kurdish independence
→ For a nuanced discussion of the implications of Kurdish independence
Because so many problems in the Middle East, and the reasons Kurdistan is divided among so many states, are often derived from the Sykes-Picot Agreement and other decisions on national borders made by great powers such as Great Britain and France, it’s a good idea to understand the general historical background relevant to the issues:
It’s also important to understand the conflict between the PKK and Turkey because any discussion of Kurdish independence will have implications on the state of the Kurds in the country and the ongoing conflict:
→ Turkish military operations against the PKK
→ The Kurdish Problem in Turkey
As with any hot topic in contemporary politics, it’s important to recognize and understand biases that exist in coverage and scholarly work on the issues. With so many different groups and states relevant to the Kurdish Question, one should try to actively identify which position the piece takes, what affiliations it may have to groups and/or governments, and where it fits into the web of international and domestic politics in the Middle East.
