Congress of Deputies of Spain: Catalonian Independence

Letter to Delegates 

Dear Delegates,

It is my pleasure to welcome you to the Congreso de los Diputados at Yale Model Government Europe (YMGE). My name is Genna Abele and I am a junior in Berkeley College at Yale University. I am originally from Palos Verdes, California, and I am a Global Affairs major. On campus, in addition to YMGE, I am a member of the Women’s Club Water Polo team, Yale UNICEF, and Net Impact. During my free time, I love swimming, reading, music, and spending time with family and friends.

I am looking forward to working with you during the conference! I am excited to listen to you engage in discussing the challenges facing Spain today and coming up with creative solutions on how to best move forward and overcome the obstacles currently hindering progress. By focusing on the topics of Catalonian independence and youth unemployment, we will work together to develop and debate possible resolutions for these important issues.

My goal is to ensure that YMGE 2017 is a memorable experience for every delegate, and I want to be responsive to the committee’s needs. During the conference, I would be happy to meet with you to discuss your ideas for the committee. If you have any questions prior to the conference, please reach out to me by emailing me at genevieve.abele@yale.edu.

I hope that you will take the time to read this topic guide and properly prepare for committee. Please research your member’s policy in depth in order to have a solid understanding of the issues at hand because this guide is only a starting point.

Best of luck in your preparation for committee,

Genna Abele

Director, Congreso de los Diputados

genevieve.abele@yale.edu

The Spanish Constitution of 1978 established a bicameral legislative branch called the Cortes Generales (General Courts). The General Courts is made up of the Congreso de los Diputados (Congress of Deputies) and the Senado (Senate), and both chambers represent all of Spain. According to Section 66 of the Constitution, the functions of both chambers are the exercise of the legislative power of the State, the adoption of its budget, and the control of the action of the government. However, the Congress of Deputies and the Senate do not operate on the same level. The Constitution has endowed Congress with a series of duties and powers that demonstrate its supremacy. Because of this, Congress has the power to authorize the formation of the government, to cause its cessation, and to confirm and dismiss the Prime Minister. Congress is also the first to know about procedures of bills and of budgets, and must confirm or reject amendments or vetoes that the Senate approves concerning these legislative texts. The Congress of Deputies governs according to the Constitution and its Standing Orders.

All members are chosen by universal suffrage, which is free, equal, direct and secret. The electoral constituency is the province. Electoral law assigns two seats for each province and distributes the rest in proportion to the respective population. Likewise, within each electoral district the election is verified by a proportional system, in such a way that each political party is given a number of seats according to the number of votes received. The Congress is elected for four years. The term of office of members therefore ends four years after their election or on the day on which the Congress is dissolved. Members of Congress represent their electoral constituency as well as the Spanish people. Election by province is an instrument that assists in forming the body of representation for the will of the Spanish people.

The President of the Congress of Deputies is the analogue to a speaker and presides over debates. In the Congress, members of the Parliament (MPs) from the political parties, or groups of parties, form parliamentary groups. Groups must be formed by at least fifteen MPs, but a group can also be formed with only five MPs if the parties received at least five percent of the nationwide vote, or fifteen percent of the votes in the constituencies in which they ran. The formation of the parliamentary groups takes place at the beginning of each legislature. The MPs belonging to parties who cannot create their own parliamentary group form the Mixed Group.

Early History: Foundations of Catalan Cultural Autonomy

The history of Catalonia begins in the Bronze Age, with the organization of several Iberian tribes into territories along the Mediterranean coast and into the interior of the country. From the third to the first centuries BCE, the Roman Republic sustained a series of campaigns against these tribes, ultimately conquering and reorganizing the territory into the province of Hispania Tarraconensis, with Tarraco (modern Tarragona) as its capital. This province stretched far beyond the confines of modern Catalonia, going as far west as modern Galicia and the Cantabrian Sea.

After the fall of the Roman Empire Catalonia largely retained a Christian identity, at least until the invasion of the Salacens in the eighth century: a brief occupation that left the Catalonian coastline more developed and that allowed Christians living in the mountains to occupy the coast, establishing an identity in conjunction with Muslim and Christian communities living beyond its borders. Catalonian national identity begins around this point: figures like William the Hairy, the first Count of Barcelona in the ninth century, were to penetrate the Catalonian consciousness as founders of the nation.

The Frankish Empire ruled in Catalonia for much of the Middle Ages, culturally and geographically linking the region to France and especially to Languedoc (in southern France), with which it shared regents and a similar language. Over the course of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, Catalonia began to develop independently from France, particularly thanks to the efforts of King Jaume I, who managed to secure recognition of Catalonia’s autonomy from the Frankish government. Under his reign, Barcelona flourished as an economic and cultural center in the Mediterranean, trading with the North African world as well as with the Flemish and Germans through trade routes along the north Atlantic. This economic activity fueled the expansion of a Catalonian Empire by Jaume and his heirs, stretching from modern-day Valencia, to the Balearic Islands previously controlled by the Emirate of Córdoba, all the way to Naples and Sardinia. The Catalonian language was codified around this time, and Catalonian literature and the arts became distinct.

The Catalonian Empire thus became one of the most powerful players of the Middle Ages: founded on trade, it enriched the burgers of Barcelona and buoyed a professional estate that then exercised its newfound economic power by petitioning the King to establish democratic assemblies.7 These were called the Corts, and were an early recommendatory institution that in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries would be used as justification for Catalonian independence.

Castile and Catalonia

To better place the history of Catalonia into context, it is necessary to understand the development of Castile around this time. Castile is the part of Spain that currently occupies the center of the Iberian Peninsula. The Castilian language is what is today known as Spanish, and the province’s hegemony in the Iberian Peninsula solidified after a series of conquests between the twelfth and fifteenth centuries over the ruling caliphates and taifas in Córdoba and Granada. “Spain” as a unit did not begin to coalesce until the late fifteenth century, when Aragón and Castile unified by the marriage of their monarchs. 

Castile’s Reconquista placed it in competition with its neighbor, Catalonia. The region depended heavily on agriculture for its economy; Catalonia imported much of its wheat from Castile after the fourteenth century, but with Barcelona it still far surpassed Castile in its volume of trade. Over the course of the Middle Ages, two regions were administered by the same government: Catalonia and Aragon. In the twelfth century, the two were unified by marriage, although they were distinct provinces. In 1410, the King of Aragon died without leaving any heirs, leading to a severe crisis. In the late fourteenth century, Catalonia had already been hard hit by the Black Plague, which decimated its population and left Barcelona, its economic powerhouse, financially crippled. A compromise by the political leaders of Catalonia saw the assumption of a Castilian, Ferdinand I, to the throne. His reign was marked by further unrest, including a serfs’ rebellion in the mid fifteenth century. Finally, in the 1460s, Ferdinand II assumed the monarchy and in 1469 famously married Isabel I of Castile.

From the marriage of the two monarchs onwards, Castile retained hegemony over the Iberian Peninsula. The movement of the capital of both kingdoms to Toledo solidified the union, and the invasion of the independent northern kingdom of Navarra, largely agrarian, resulted in the formation of Spain as its own entity. In the consciousness of its inhabitants, however, Spain was still an amalgamation of kingdoms: each independent in its own right, each with long histories, traditions, languages, and cultures. The sixteenth century became known as the Golden Age of Spain, ruled under the Habsburg monarchs Charles V and Philip II.

The expansion of the Castilian Empire to the Americas and the Canary Islands, brutally invaded in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, ushered Spain into an era of dominion in Europe. Hereditary provinces included much of Austria, parts of Eastern Europe, Germany, Italy, and the Netherlands. Catalonia was as much a part of the Empire as Mexico or Belgium, although with a different relationship to Castile as these others, given its denomination as ‘Spain.’ The Empire necessitated a powerful bureaucracy for management, which helped centralize the Iberian Peninsula around the new capital in Madrid.

Catalan Assertions of Independence

Much of the wealth accrued during the sixteenth century bypassed Catalonia and instead concentrated in the royal coffers in Cádiz, Seville, and Madrid. Furthermore, after the death of Philip II and into the seventeenth century, the Spanish Empire began to decline. The first major defeat suffered by the Spanish was the failed invasion of England by the Invincible Armada in 1588, where much of the fleet was destroyed in a storm. The Thirty Years’ War, between 1618 and 1648, further damaged Spain’s European dominance, pitting the Empire against France in a war over the dominion of Germany.

The Thirty Years’ War strained Catalonia to the point of revolt: afterwards, supported by France, it declared its independence from Spain. The revolt was particularly characterized by a return to medieval Catalonian values: a newfound appreciation of the literature of the age, the revival of medieval styles and sports in fairs and festivals, and renewed interest in Catalonia as an independent state.

Although the Spanish reconquered much of Catalonia (with the rest lost to France), unrest continued into the eighteenth century. The war of the Spanish Succession began after Charles II, the Habsburg king, died without an heir. The subsequent war pitted the Habsburg pretender against a Bourbon heir chosen by Charles II. Catalonia and Aragon rose in insurrection in support of the Habsburg—but were crushed on September 11, 1714.

The fall of Barcelona on that date remains fixed in the Catalonian national memory as the date that Spain truly began oppressing the country. As punishment, the Bourbon King Philip V incorporated Catalonia not as an autonomous kingdom as it had been, but as a province of Spain entirely dependent on the crown in Madrid. Rights, political institutions, and other formerly independent political aspects of Catalonia were erased after the war. Philip V issued a decree that enclosed Barcelona by new walls and two new castles on either side of the city. No one was allowed to build on the other side of the walls, so for a hundred and fifty years, Barcelona would not expand.

Despite serious restrictions on Catalan institutions in the eighteenth century, the kingdom-cum-province saw great economic leaps, particularly towards a sort of industrialization. At the turn of the century, Barcelona began to invest in the textile industry, with large cotton factories in urban centers around the province. After the Napoleonic Wars and a brief French occupation in the early nineteenth century, Catalonia continued to grow at a relatively fast pace.

At this point in its history, Spain was characterized by rising tensions between liberals and conservatives, constitutionalists and monarchists, republicans and reactionaries. In conflicts, Catalonia invariably sided with the group that would grant it more autonomy were it to gain power: conflicts over a democratic Spanish constitution pit liberals against conservative monarchists. Catalonia sided with the monarchists, in the hopes that a reactionary regime would reinstate its old autonomy. These tensions eventually reconfigured into the Carlist Wars, an internal conflict that pit reactionaries against liberals in deciding the heir to the throne following the death of the old king. Catalonia again sided with the reactionaries.

Catalonian Economic Development

Following the Carlist Wars, however, Catalonia began to industrialize further, becoming one of the most economically powerful provinces of Spain and developing robust middle and working classes. Ultimately this swung the province towards a more liberal politic. Not only that—Barcelona, the capital of Catalonia and an industrial powerhouse, was growing fast. A new urban plan was laid out and the city was allowed to expand. 1869 saw the destruction of one of the two forts constraining Barcelona, turning its remains into the Parc de la Ciutadella; the walls were also destroyed, and the Eixample, an urban plan in the style of Paris’, was incorporated into the city.

These developments helped buoy the Catalan independence movement. Two fronts developed at this point: an independence movement centered, on the one hand, on the Catholic Church and, on the other hand, a more secular, urban movement.8 The revitalization of Catalan independence in the nineteenth century was called the Renaixença, or, in other words, the rebirth of old Catalonia. Catalonia gained some autonomy in the early twentieth century, following labor movements that forwarded a socialist nationalism and that turned the region into a Commonwealth with its own Catalan governor. Soon after, however, the dictator Miguel Primo de Rivera took power and immediately repressed Catalan political institutions, forcing Catalonia to submit once more to the officers in Madrid.

Nevertheless, Primo de Rivera’s dictatorship and his repression of national Catalan institutions fueled greater resentment of the central Spanish government, and encouraged the formation of a unified leftist and secessionist front, led by future President Francesc Macià. Catalan defiance proliferated during Primo de Rivera’s reign: in 1929, Barcelona hosted the International Exhibition, building great palaces and monuments to the art and culture of Catalonia and Spain. In the center of the Fair, the city erected four columns: symbols for the four red stripes on the Catalan flag. Primo de Rivera ordered them torn down. In 2011, they were reconstructed in their original position.

The fall of Primo de Rivera prompted the institution of the Spanish Republic, a short-lived democracy marred by corruption but nevertheless free and egalitarian in its structure. It gave Catalonia a great deal of autonomy, allowing Macià to reestablish the medieval Generalitat de Catalunya and lead it as its first President. The party in power remained true to its syndicalist roots and forwarded socialist policies throughout the Generalitat.

Catalonia’s status as a socialist bastion made it an important locus of the Spanish Civil War. In 1936, General Francisco Franco invaded the Spanish mainland from his position in North Africa as part of a coup d’état meant to overthrow the Republic. Franco aimed to reinstate a reactionary monarchy, repudiating progressive democracy in favor of fascism. Supported by the Spanish army, as well as by other European fascists like Hitler and Mussolini, Franco eventually succeeded in taking over all of Spain. One of the last cities to fall was Barcelona, after which thousands of Republicans, Anarchists, and Socialists either fled or were captured and executed by the fascist troops. Franco’s dictatorship banned the Catalan language and ended the rule of the Generalitat. Catalonian nationalism was actively suppressed once more, and Barcelona remained under the vigilant surveillance of Franco’s government until the dictator’s death in 1975. Thousands of Catalonians were executed and many fled to France.

After Franco, and in spite of an attempt at a coup in 1981, the Spanish government drafted a new constitution that provided for ample civil liberties, including autonomy for Catalonia. Immense economic growth proceeded from Franco’s death until the crash of 2008, and over this period Catalonian independence has been increasingly prominent in the public sphere. Autonomy and comparative economic development has widened the gulf between Barcelona and Madrid.

Catalonia’s history has provided much of the justification for the demands for independence. Although nationalism as a paradigm did not coalesce until the nineteenth century, it is still evident that the Catalonian identity as independent from Castilian identity traces its roots to the Middle Ages. It is therefore crucial to keep this information in mind when discussing the independence of Catalonia.

Questions to Consider:

What is Catalonia demanding? Is it exclusively independence, or is there a way to sway public opinion?

Should there be a Scotland-style legal referendum to help appease Catalonian citizens? What would be the potential consequences? What would the campaigns look like?

The drive for independence reignited in earnest following the Crash in 2007-2008, pushing Catalonians worried about the future of their country to seek for a better one in separating from Spain. The movement can be reduced to three pillars: political, cultural, and economic. Discussion should center particularly around these three: as the Congress of Deputies, the committee’s mandate is to find a peaceful resolution that best satisfies the demands of the entire Spanish populace. Nevertheless, it is important to keep consequences of and conditions for independence in mind.

Political

The historical legacy of Spain’s perceived oppression of Catalonia has fueled much of the push for independence. The reign of Francisco Franco saw the limitation of regional autonomy and the attempted destruction of Catalan culture: prohibitions of Catalan publications, educational instruction solely in Spanish, and discrimination against Catalans impacted Catalan mistrust of the central government in Madrid. This legacy reaches as far back as the Spanish Civil War. In the years following, the Franco regime killed upwards of four thousand Catalonians and sent more than ten thousand political prisoners to jails throughout the province.

The memory of this oppression remains. Since the end of the regime, the Catalan language has rebounded and Catalan government infrastructure has returned. The new Constitution, finished in 1978, allowed for greater autonomy throughout the regions of Spain, giving the Generalitat much greater leeway in its own governance, particularly in areas of policing and justice—but the region still lacks many of the more formal trappings of an independent state: its own taxes, separate from Madrid; its own army; its own foreign service.

This autonomy is not yet enough for the Catalans, however. Since 2010, Catalonia has voted into power increasingly nationalistic, anti-Spanish politicians into its highest office: the Presidency of the Generalitat de Catalunya. The first of these, Artur Mas, was elected in 2010 and served until January of 2016. As the head of Convergencia Democratica de Catalunya (CDC), and through it the very large and very powerful nationalist, rightwing coalition Convergencia i Unió, Mas wielded great power upon election to the Generalitat. He pushed through nationalistic, separatist policies that inched the region ever closer to full independence: in 2012, he officially announced his party’s self-determination platform, and put in place a mechanism to have a referendum on Catalonia’s independence.

The 2014 referendum, held in November, was blocked by the Spanish Constitutional Court—so a non-binding informal vote was held instead. 2 million out of Catalonia’s 5.4 million eligible voters went to the polls, and 80% of those were shown to be in favor of separating from Spain. Mas used the opportunity to call for snap elections in 2015—and the strain proved to be too much for the powerful coalition of Convergencia i Unió, which broke apart shortly afterwards. In its place, Mas’s center-right party, Convergencia Democratica de Catalunya, formed another coalition with a few of Catalonia’s larger left-wing parties: Junts pel Sí (Together for Yes). The snap elections did not give the new coalition a majority in the government, but it did put several other separatist parties in power—giving Junts pel Sí leeway to hold a new referendum. The coalition saw the election as a mandate to put the country on track to a unilateral declaration of independence. In October 2015 the coalition stated that Catalonia would reach full independence within eighteen months; before that, however, the government needed to be reorganized.

The Catalan government is currently made up of nationalist Catalan parties, as well as the parties that are most heavily represented in Madrid—the rightwing Popular Party (PP), and the left-wing Socialist Worker’s Party (PSOE). Among the nationalist Catalan parties, one of the most glaring differences is whether or not to stay in the European Union and NATO following independence. In order to preserve the union of independence parties in the Catalan Parliament in the face of this debate, Mas was forced to step down from office in January of 2016. In his place came Carles Puigdemont Casamajó— the right wing mayor of Girona who is even more outspoken about independence than Mas. Since assuming the office of the presidency, Puigdemont has repeatedly assured that independence is on track. In Madrid, the lack of a cohesive government in recent years is largely due to discontent with the two parties of the old guard, PSOE and PP, and with the ascension of two new, increasingly popular parties, especially among youth: the socialist Podemos, and the center-right Ciudadanos. The confusion in Madrid has opened the opportunity for greater autonomy and political maneuvering in Catalonia. 

Due to the rapidly evolving nature of the current crisis in the real world, this committee will consider all the developments up to, but not including the recent October 1st referendum. The committee will begin just before this referendum.

Cultural

One of the greatest reasons for Catalonian independence is its existing cultural autonomy from Spain. From Franco’s attempt to erase Catalan and replace it with Castilian Spanish to Barcelona’s designation as a cultural capital, Catalonia has been able to expound self-determination through its art, music, and literature. Much of the reasoning for Catalonia’s calls for independence rest on the Catalan language and its intrinsic difference from Castilian Spanish. Catalan is so important to the state’s identity that Franco attempted to limit its use and mandated schools to teach in Spanish only, in order to force the country away from independence. Despite the central government’s efforts to limit Catalonia’s independent heritage, however, the language not only survived but thrived—exiles published countless books in the language, and parents spoke it at home to keep it alive.

The cultural output of Barcelona further provides the Catalonian independence movement with ammunition against Spain: given its existing cultural autonomy, from which Catalonia builds much of its identity, why not extend that to economics and political institutions? Already the Catalan flag can be found hanging from the balconies of many private homes, and references to Catalan independence abound—four columns, representing the four red stripes of the flag, were erected a few years ago in the Museum of Catalan Art, while national Catalan holidays receive more and more political attention. Ultimately, cultural differences are responsible for the split between Catalonia and Spain. In order to reform the rift, it is important to keep these differences in mind: one of the consequences that Spain fears from Catalonian independence is that other similarly culturally autonomous states, like the Basque country and Valencia, will follow suit.

Economic

Over the last forty years, Catalonia has consolidated its position as the primary economic producer of the Iberian peninsula. It ranks among the Four Motors of Europe, industrially advanced regions throughout the continent that drive manufacturing and that collaborate to share information, research, and technology for further development. It is the main contributor to the Spanish economy, producing 19% of the country’s GDP, and its own economy is made up largely of Small and Medium Sized Enterprises (SMEs). As a result of its economic prosperity, Catalonia was heavily hit by the depression of 2007, with great losses in production and GDP, along with the rest of Spain. The unemployment rate soared, especially among young people, to 19% (and above 40% among those younger than 25). Its economy contracted heavily from 2008 to 2012, along with the rest of the country’s.

The Spanish government suffered heavily from the Great Recession. Not only were Spaniards disillusioned with the governing parties—many were unemployed, and thousands took to the streets between 2010 and 2011. Demonstrations against the two-party system and against corruption in the government culminated in the 15-M movement, in May 2011. Estimates suggest that up to 8 million Spaniards, or seventeen percent of the population, participated in the protests.

In Catalonia, much of the unrest was expressed in a renewed desire for independence. Furthermore, in 2010, the Spanish Constitutional Court weakened Catalonia’s Statute of Autonomy, giving the government in Madrid more power over the region. While the recession and corruption in Madrid angered many around Spain, it pushed Catalonians away from the central government: the opportunity to secede, it seemed, was at hand. It is no coincidence that Mas called for a referendum on independence in 2012, another humiliating year for the Spanish government, which was forced to ask for a bailout from the European Central Bank due to another year of severe recession.

Austerity measures under the conservative government of the Partido Popular rocked the country, and especially Catalonia. Funds stopped flowing into schools and hospitals, and individuals were forced to pay higher prices in Barcelona than in Madrid for the same public service. Thousands more Catalonians started to back independence as a result of these measures, deciding that an independent Catalan economy would be better than one tied to Spain, where exorbitant federal taxes on Catalonians go to other regions. The Catalonian disillusionment with the central government has everything to do with Spain’s economic situation. The economic crash of 2008 threw the government in Madrid into turmoil, and trust in the ruling parties plummeted. The most immediate result was the ascension of two new parties—Podemos and Ciudadanos—that represent younger, more dynamic portions of the population. Another effect was pushing independence movements, especially in Catalonia, to new heights: if it were not for the crash, it is hard to tell whether the separatist movement would be as strong as it is today. Keep in mind the economic situation and its connection to Catalonian independence during debate, given that it is one of the primary engines of separatism.

Conditions

In a debate about Catalonian independence, there are several paths that might be taken: one in which independence is granted, one in which control is tightened on the region, or any number of options between these two extremes. Whatever path is chosen, it is crucial to consider the stability both of Spain and of Catalonia. In coming to a compromise, setting conditions can be helpful: granting greater autonomy, for example, can be conditional on a cessation of what most of the ruling parties (excepting Podemos) believe are unconstitutional and illegal referenda on independence.

Furthermore, entirely unconditional independence is extremely difficult, especially given the proximity of Spain to Catalonia and the continued dependence of the latter on the former. But as Catalonia sets up its own government institutions in the middle of its 18-month long process of independence, the Spanish Cabinet also needs to take steps to resolve the issue one way or another.

Consequences: Positive

How does Catalonia ultimately benefit from independence? Catalans would finally have their nation back, of course, but would it be more economically powerful on its own? One of the arguments for independence suggests that a Catalonian state would be more responsible towards preserving and establishing a state by and for the Catalan people—schools in Catalan, with greater freedom of expression of the national Catalan identity, and protection from any more restrictions of autonomy.

Politically, Catalonia would turn its regional government into a national one: an independent parliament, with a more powerful Generalitat and an independent army, foreign affairs ministry, and different departments for the management of the state. One of the major differences in the current independent movement lies in whether or not to stay in NATO or in the European Union should Catalonia separate from Spain; this would have to be resolved shortly after independence, and may not be feasible given Spain’s role in both institutions.

The most important consequence, and it is as yet unclear whether it is positive or negative, will be economic. Without Spain, Catalonia can freely tax its own citizens and pursue its own financial policies. It has always been a spectacularly productive part of Spain, outpacing many of the other regions of the country in manufacturing especially. At the same time, Catalonia’s economy largely depends on Spain—for a large internal market, greater access to capital, and for the central government’s ability to communicate with other countries and sell its own products. Now, Catalonia has to set up its own foreign trade office, come up with its own regulations, and find a way to overcome the likely inevitable economic downturn that will follow independence. The flip side is that Catalans in an independent Catalonia will likely be more willing to work for their country when the taxes they pay go to a government in Barcelona rather than in Madrid; nevertheless, the future economic situation of Catalonia is at stake.

Consequences: Negative

For Spain, and for the purposes of this committee, whatever happens after independence will likely have negative consequences. As a result, it is important to think about alternatives—because in the end, the Spanish government is stuck. In order to appease the Catalan population and protesters on the streets of Barcelona, Tarragona, and Girona, Madrid needs to make some concessions to the autonomy of the state. At the same time, concessions may lead to an easier secession and a government that is harder to federally control, setting a difficult precedent for dealing with other regions with small but organized independence movements like Galicia, the Basque Country, and Valencia. Should the government choose to tighten control over Catalonia, as it did in 2010 when the constitutional court weakened the state’s Statute of Autonomy, it may drive even more Catalans away from Madrid and into the separatist camp. Thus, the path forward is a difficult one for the Spanish government, but not impossible—creative compromises and a comprehensive agreement may lead to some sort of resolution that benefits all sides.

Should no agreement be reached, however, the consequences are many and varied. For one, Spain would lose one of its most important economic assets. Apart from being a powerful industrial state, Catalonia is one of the most popular tourist destinations in Europe—and tourism forms 15% of Spain’s GDP, doubling its population with incoming travelers every summer.13 A quarter of these visit Catalonia, and especially Barcelona, which rivals Madrid in its cultural and historical prowess. Should Catalonia secede, the cost to not only manufacturing and production but also to the tourism industry would be unimaginable. Given Spain’s recent recession, losing Catalonia would be entirely disastrous—the entire economy of the country would need to be reconfigured. With the loss of a financial and trading center like Barcelona, and with the decline in investment ratings that are sure to follow such a destabilizing event, may throw the Spanish market into chaos again.

Another issue revolves around what to do if Catalonia fully secedes from Spain. Most observers see tanks rolling down las Ramblas as a very clear possibility—but the cost of carrying out an invasion of the region, both in potential lives and in credibility, may be greater than the reward. Diplomatically, the Catalan situation has not been particularly considered as many countries consider it an “internal issue.” But if Catalonia were to secede, it would become a European quagmire. Would Spain block it from staying in the EU? Or in NATO? Would other European countries and the United States recognize its independence? Would it become another Abkhazia, or Palestine, like any other territory with an uncertain political status? Politically, the dissolution of Spain might mean the end of the parties that have ruled for the last few decades—the conservative PP and left-wing PSOE. The two were already greatly weakened by the Great Recession, and with the advent of Podemos and Ciudadanos. And considering the fact that Spain was just a conglomeration of kingdoms under a single monarch, with historically tenuous connections to the central government, the independence of Catalonia puts the unity of all of Spain at risk.

Questions to Consider:

What should the government do, if anything, about Russia’s new propaganda front? Should they seek to actively combat it, or allow free expression from all (including agents of foreign governments)?

How should Spain deal with this in the context of the European Union or the rest of the world? Should it ask for help from other countries to control Catalonia?

How would you balance public opinion in the rest of Spain on the status of Catalonia? If you grant more autonomy, how would you ensure that a similar situation does not arise with the Basque Country or Valencia?

Would Spain block the entrance of Catalonia into the European Union should independence come to fruition? How would this look in the international community?

People’s Party (PP)

The conservative People’s Party is against Catalonian independence. The issue is shaping up as a big stumbling block for a "grand coalition" involving the ruling People's Party (PP) and the Socialists, who agree that the region must not become independent but differ hugely on what the stance of the central government should be.

Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE)

The Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE) are against independence and a referendum but have proposed a constitutional reform that would grant the region more powers. The Socialists hope the party's plan for constitutional reform, which would change how regions are financed, redefine their powers in more of a federal system, and recognize some of Catalonia's singularities, can defuse the separatist push.

Podemos

The anti-capitalist Podemos supports Catalonia's right to a referendum. Podemos, which has transformed itself from a left-leaning protest movement to a political party in about two years, is the only party that supports allowing the Catalans to hold an independence referendum. It is not a pledge that Podemos can now back away from easily, as it helped make the party the biggest vote-getter in Catalonia during the national elections in 2015.

Ciudadanos

The center-right Ciudadanos party, which was born in Catalonia, has become a growing force in national politics, winning more than 18% of the vote in 2015. Ciudadanos is firmly opposed to Catalonian independence, and in fact was originally formed for that very purpose.

Questions to Consider:

Based on your position, what are ways in which you can help appease Catalan demands or further control the Catalan government?

Would an independent Catalonia benefit your position at all? Despite its likely negative consequences for most of Spain, it may have unintended benefits as well. Consider a few given your position.

To what extend does your position depend on the integrity of Catalonia? Would your position benefit from Catalonian independence?

For a great historical overview and background of current Catalonia see its BBC profile

The Guardian has several excellent articles on Catalonian independence. See especially: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/oct/22/spain-calls-on-catalans-to-respect-decision-to-impose-direct-rule and https://www.theguardian.com/world/catalonia

The website for the Catalonian government has a lot of information about potential independence mechanisms and the history of their nation. Find it at http://web.gencat.cat/ca/inici/

For useful statistics about the European Union check out Eurostat, an excellent source for all the information and data you might need about economics, population, and demographics.

Because this topic is currently all over the news, any news source is likely to have numerous recent and older articles; for example, see The New York Times, The Financial Times, BBC News, and more.